Activation of the official Amazigh between the political and administrative
In the face of the faltering of many reform files and not a few of the sites of downloading many of the contents of the constitution, citizens have no choice but to point the finger of accusation to the government, and in particular to the one who is responsible for its leadership, accusing him of failing to perform his duties, and of failing to fulfill his promises and respect his obligations. Our collective awareness, as the changing cognitive structure of society that determines our appreciation of the elements of action, control and influence, does not see any other responsibility for the failure of reforms and the faltering of reforms, other than the government actor.
The administration, in the eyes of citizens, is nothing but an implementation tool controlled by the government. The politician, according to this perspective, is the one who determines his conception of public and public policies, prepares and implements them, and the administration in all these stages is at the disposal of the political actor who leads the government, so the fingers of accusation are pointed at the political actor. No one else, and he alone is held accountable for the failure of public and public policies.
However, given what we observe and what many researchers have already pointed out, aren't public policies a scene of conflict between the political and the administrative? Are these policies not a pure product of the political stampede and conflict of contradictory perceptions in the search for possible answers to public problems and the expectations of citizens? Does not actual practice and lived reality prove that management is not only an instrument of implementation and that it is, first and foremost, a self-existing authority within a
? bureaucratic system
These and other questions related to the political and administrative dialectic and the incursion of bureaucracy, have been the focus of the work of many sociologists, thinkers and specialists, as they preoccupied Karl Marx, Max Weber, Michel Crozier, David Graeber and others. We have asked these questions, not to address them, as the matter is much larger than the space of this article and exceeds the capabilities of its author, but we raised them to build on them in order to open the door to discussion on the issue of activating the official character of Amazigh between the political and the administrative.
A question about public policies to activate the official Amazigh
? language
The concept of public policies is a very complex concept, as it is the meeting point of many fields of knowledge, including political science and management science, and the Higher Institute of Public Studies in France points out that public policy “is the sum of decisions, actions and interventions taken by institutional and social actors in order to find solutions to a collective problem.” What". Technically speaking, public policies are the plan that is based on perceptions that are implemented on the ground to address a specific problem that affects a specific area.
And in relation to our subject, it can be said that public policies related to activating the official character of Amazigh, and although they are framed by royal discourses, the constitution, organizational law No. 26-16, and the integrated government scheme to activate the official character of Amazigh, their parameters are still unclear and therefore these public policies are unable to activate The official nature of Tamazight and adherence to the timetable stipulated in the organic law relating to the stages of activating the official character of Tamazight and the modalities of its integration in the field of education and in priority areas of public life.
If the responsibility of the government actor exists in the blurring, slackness, inability, and slowness of public policies related to Amazigh, the responsibility of the administration also exists, because it is a partner in engineering and making public policies. A lot of field data confirms its responsibility for what the Amazigh workshops suffer from, which faces many challenges related to the performance of the administrative actor, among which we mention:
First - the challenge of mentalities: The calcification of mentalities in many central and external departments of the Ministry of National Education, for example, greatly damaged the workshops of integrating Amazigh into the educational system, and stopped the momentum and enthusiasm that characterized these workshops in its early years (the workshops came into existence in 2003).
Second - The challenge of creating qualified human resources:Despite the passage of more than ten years since the demarcation of Tamazight and the passage of more than three years of the life of the Organizing Law No. 26-16, public administrations have not taken the initiative to count the human resources available in their various departments that are qualified to engage in the activation of official Amazigh, nor have they taken the initiative to determine the shortage of the necessary human resources. To keep pace with the Amazigh workshops, within the framework of their anticipatory management of jobs and competencies.
Third - The absence of clearly defined sectoral policies to activate the official Amazigh language:Despite what was achieved during the past year, especially the initiation of simultaneous translation in the House of Representatives, the employment of social assistants in the Ministry of Justice, and the integration of Amazigh into the visual identity of some state institutions, it is noted the absence of clearly defined sectoral policies verifiable with indicators of achievement and impact measurement, and no two will disagree about the role The central actor in the administrative development of these sectoral polices
? Question: What to do
I cannot answer this question, but I can make my point about it, and I say that the problem of who controls public policies is not exclusive to Morocco. The conflict between the administrative actor and the political actor over who will control the making of public policies is a problem that concerns all countries of the world in varying degrees. In France, for example, some researchers, thinkers and those interested in the subject have come to say that the state is at war with its employees, as is the case with the writer “Agnès Verdier Molinié” who published a book entitled: “The Employees Against the State.”
The meaning of the image: Amazigh is not a nationalist, nor an ethnic tendency, a separatist movement, a Western conspiracy, or an Arab emirate..it is the identity of the land..not for those who live on it without it..whatever his religion, tongue, race, or thought.It is an existence without which we do not exist.
The administrative and political dialectic is in fact a tug-of-war between the administrative actor, on the one hand, and the political actor, on the other. At the disposal of the political actor to prepare and implement public policies.
In Morocco, the Supreme Law grants a constitutional mechanism that must be activated to get out of this tug-of-war, represented in participatory democracy; A mechanism that can be relied upon to control the relationship between the political actor and the administrative actor, while invoking the role of the civil actor. Participatory democracy does not exclude any of the three actors from participating and contributing to the preparation of public policies. Perhaps this is what the Head of Government wanted to emphasize, last September 10 in Agadir, when he referred in his speech to researchers and activists from the Amazigh movement, to the roles of each of the three actors, stressing the importance of the role of the civil actor in activating the official character of the Amazigh, and his willingness to sit , personally, with civic actors to work on priority programs to push the Amazigh workshops forward.
Abdullah Hattos
Researcher and head of the Tamghribit Caucus (Tada)
Source: websites